
Why Foundation Grants
Shouldn't Mix With Politics
By Pablo Eisenberg
In October the Boston Foundation
pledged $1-million to help the city of Boston raise enough money from
private and nonprofit sources to sponsor the 2004 National Democratic
Convention.
The award, rare if not
unprecedented for a community or private foundation, raises a number of
serious questions about the appropriateness of such a grant. Should a
tax-exempt institution give money for a partisan political event or
activity, thereby endangering the credibility of that foundation? Don't
more-suitable, needy nonprofit causes exist, especially in these
economically difficult times, that deserve to be higher priorities than
political conventions? Could such a grant set a bad precedent for other
foundations to follow?
The city's fund-raising campaign
for the convention, led by Boston Mayor Thomas Menino and Senator Edward
Kennedy, also enlisted the support of such groups as the Barr Foundation,
which pledged $250,000 to underwrite arts activities during the
convention, the nonprofit Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Massachusetts,
which will donate $1-million, and State Street Corporation, whose
foundation will also contribute $1-million.
The grants are contingent on the
receipt, from the Internal Revenue Service, of tax-exempt status for the
convention's nonprofit arm, Boston 2004, which is controlled by the
mayor's office. The groups have declared that their money would not go to
political activities or causes, but rather be used for economic,
education, and cultural programs tied to the convention.
In a letter sent to various
people who questioned the appropriateness of the grant, Paul Grogan,
president of the Boston Foundation, said the grant was made "primarily on
the basis of the economic impact the convention will have, both short-term
and long-term." He added that "the working poor, immigrants, and
minorities are populations that historically are of special concern to the
foundation. It is precisely these groups that are most heavily represented
in the service industries that will benefit most from a major convention."
Mr. Grogan acknowledged that the
foundation's board engaged in a spirited debate before deciding to make
the grant. Still, he said, putting $1-million toward the convention,
rather than spending it directly on the foundation's traditional grantees,
is worth the risk. He was emphatic in asserting that the money would not
go into a general pool of funds collected by the city to support the
convention, but would be used specifically to help strengthen minority
businesses and economic-development projects. Boston's mayor promised to
honor that priority, Mr. Grogan said, although it is not yet clear what
mechanisms will be in place to ensure the foundation's money will be used
as intended.
Mr. Grogan also said that support
for the convention would enable the foundation to gain a higher profile in
the Boston area and make it easier to raise money from big donors.
The Rev. Ray Hammond, chair of
the foundation board, said in an interview that the grant was an
opportunity for the foundation to help catalyze economic development in
Boston and set a standard by which foundations in other urban areas could
be involved in big, broad events that spur economic development, such as
commercial conventions, civic celebrations, and political gatherings.
Both Pastor Hammond and Mr.
Grogan, who is widely believed to harbor political aspirations, insisted
that Democratic partisanship had not played a role in the foundation's
decision. "We would have made the grant had it been the Republican
National Convention," Mr. Grogan said, a point echoed by the pastor.
The Boston Foundation's
commitment to the convention does not appear to have caused serious
concern in the Boston area. If anything, a number of academic, nonprofit,
and other observers think the award is a good one that can help the city.
Still, some nonprofit and
community representatives, who did not want to be named, are critical of
the grant. They argue that, at a time of increases in hunger,
homelessness, and poverty, the $1-million could have been better spent on
direct benefits for low-income and minority recipients and on an array of
other social services, including low-cost housing and job-creation and
-training programs. Some say that investments in long-term
economic-development projects, rather than short-term convention
activities, would do the most good for the poor. Others say foundations
should avoid supporting political activities, especially at the expense of
the needy.
Of the several dozen nonprofit
officials and observers interviewed for this column, John Bonifaz,
executive director of the National Voting Rights Institute, in Boston, was
the only one willing to speak for attribution. He said the grant to Boston
2004 is "too closely tied to overtly partisan political activity," and
that "even the appearance of political partisanship can undermine the
credibility of philanthropy."
The Boston Foundation's decision,
no doubt, was made all the more difficult by the aggressive fund raising
for the convention by the mayor and Senator Kennedy. But a few foundation
representatives from the Boston area said that, had their foundations been
asked to contribute to the convention, they would have turned down the
requests. They said they believe their guidelines preclude political
events. They also said there were more important projects and charities to
support.
Besides the Boston Foundation's
decision, philanthropic support for the Democratic Convention has some
other questionable elements worth noting. The State Street Corporation
channeled its donation through its tax-exempt foundation, not as a direct
business expenditure from the corporation. One possible reason for
following this approach is that the bank can draw on accumulated
foundation money rather than spend new corporate funds. The choice,
however, could reduce the amount of money that otherwise would go to
charities that serve the needy in the Boston area.
The more serious question that
State Street's approach raises is whether tax-exempt funds of corporate
foundations should be used to finance political events. While it is common
for corporations to give money to politicians and political parties, they
normally do so with taxable funds, accounting for the donations as
business expenses.
No doubt, corporate-foundation
grant making is motivated largely by self-interest and the bottom line.
But that is different from using philanthropic funds to respond directly
to politicians in whose jurisdictions a corporation is competing for
business. Taxpayers should not be supporting that kind of corporate
self-interest.
In 2000, the California Community
Foundation, the community foundation for the Los Angeles area, gave a
$25,000 grant to the mayor's office to help recruit and train volunteers
for the Democratic National Convention. The city requested $100,000, but
the foundation board felt that amount was inappropriate. That grant
appears to be the only precedent to the Boston Foundation's award.
What, if any, are the long-term
implications of the Boston Foundation grant for philanthropy? Is it a
unique opportunity to improve the economy of a major city and the
visibility of the foundation? Or is it merely a large amount of money that
Boston could have raised another way? Could it set a precedent for
community and other foundations that want to extend their civic and
political influence? What if 10 or 15 other foundations decide to make
large contributions to partisan political events? Wouldn't that endanger
foundations at large? Doesn't the grant draw too fine a line between
politics and philanthropy?
If foundations want to support
partisan political activities and events at the national, state, or local
levels, they should realize the potential consequences that such grant
making may bring. After all, donors to foundations receive tax benefits
because those institutions support a range of nonprofit programs and
activities, including advocacy as well as services and research, not
because they help support or conduct political activities. The latter
could lead to increased government intervention and regulation.
Nor should we forget that the
Ernest Istooks of this world -- a reference to the Republican
representative from Oklahoma who unsuccessfully sought to bar from
political activism tax-exempt groups that receive federal money -- are
still lurking in Congress, waiting for the opportunity to pounce on the
so-called liberal foundations and other nonprofit groups.
Foundations today face an
enormous challenge in meeting the country's most urgent public needs. They
don't have nearly enough money to meet the demands placed on them by
charities and the public. They are cutting back on money for their
grantees and refusing to support new programs and projects. They should
continue to channel their grants to charitable and educational activities.
The last thing they should do is wade into the swamp of politics at the
expense of tackling important social problems.
The Boston Foundation made a
tough and risky decision that it believes will help the city of Boston.
Hopefully, it will. But it would be foolish in the long run for other
foundations to follow suit.
Pablo Eisenberg is senior fellow at the
Georgetown University Public Policy Institute and a trustee of the Milton
S. Eisenhower Foundation. His e-mail address is
pseisenberg@erols.com.
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